Is there more freedom here, or over there? This very question has become central to the political messaging of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), particularly during the campaign for the recent Iraqi elections on November 11, 2025. For these dominant parties, the KDP in Erbil and Duhok, and the PUK in Sulaymaniyah and Halabja, "freedom" has been repackaged into a campaign slogan: a rhetorical tool aimed at winning votes rather than safeguarding rights. But for us, journalists and civil society activists, freedom is not a slogan. It is the goal itself, uncompromised, unbranded, and essential.
To better understand this, let’s go back to the basics. The world has changed, and today every word is scrutinized; every expression is monitored, including the very idea of freedom. According to Freedom House, a U.S.-based organization founded in 1941 that publishes annual reports on global freedom, Iraq (including the Kurdistan Region as a federal entity within it) is ranked as “Not Free” in its Freedom in the World 2025 report. Iraq received a total score of just 31 out of 100: 16/40 for political rights and 15/60 for civil liberties.
Meanwhile, according to the 2024 Democracy Index, Iraq is not classified as a “democracy” but as an “authoritarian regime,” plagued by corruption, external interference, and a weak rule of law. Although elections are held, institutions remain fragile, and citizens' rights are routinely violated. Within this broader context, the question of whether people in the Kurdistan Region enjoy greater freedom in the PUK-controlled areas or the KDP-controlled areas remains open to debate.
On the topic of political rights, according to the assessment of the Freedom House, especially in electoral Process, political pluralism and participation, and Functioning of government, Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, scored (2/4) or (2/4) at least in some questions while in relation to political options, such as Are the people’s political choices free from domination by forces that are external to the political sphere, or by political forces that employ extrapolitical means? Do the freely elected head of government and national legislative representatives determine the policies of the government? Does the government operate with openness and transparency? Iraq scored only (1/4).
Just a quick verification:
(Sulaimaniyah and Erbil): The PUK and KDP hold elections when it suits them, form governments at their discretion, and submit budgets to parliament at their convenience. In both zones, real political power lies beyond the reach of elected representatives, and governance operates with little transparency or accountability. Even expressing gratitude for the mere existence of elections seems misplaced, after all, elections are held on schedule in countries like North Korea (which scored 3/100 in global freedom assessments), Iran (11/100), and Russia (12/100). The real question, however, is not whether elections happen, but whether they are truly free and fair.
Manipulating elections has become routine, undermining citizens’ fundamental right to freely choose their representatives in both PUK- and KDP-controlled areas. Today, it’s not only political parties, even unions and professional institutions organize elections only when it suits them. Can anyone recall the last time the journalists’ Syndicate or lawyers' union held an election?
Meanwhile, the assessment shows that Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, received a low score in the civil liberties category, particularly in areas such as freedom of expression and belief, the right to association and assembly, the rule of law, personal autonomy, and individual rights. In most of these indicators, the country scored just (1/4).
On the issue of freedom of expression, Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, scored just (1/4) across key questions. These include: Is there a free and independent media? Are individuals free to express religious or non-religious beliefs in both public and private settings? Does academic freedom exist, and is the education system free from widespread political interference? Can individuals express personal views on political or sensitive topics without fear of surveillance or reprisals? The assessment suggests that, in all these areas, meaningful freedoms remain severely restricted.
Examples of Verification from 2025 in both PUK and KDP zones:
Erbil, February 9: Security forces blocked dozens of journalists from covering a teachers’ protest in Degala, preventing any media presence at the scene.
Sulaymaniyah, February 25: At least 12 journalists from six different outlets were detained, attacked, or expelled while covering protests over unpaid salaries. Security forces, both in civilian clothes and military uniforms, carried out widespread violations, including arrests, beatings, expulsions, and obstruction of coverage.
Erbil, August 19: Journalist Sherwan Sherwani was sentenced by the Binaslawa Court to four years and five months in prison, following a complaint by an Erbil correctional officer alleging a murder threat.
Sulaymaniyah, August 22: Armed men stormed the offices of Zoom TV, halting its broadcast and seizing all equipment. The city awoke to the smell of gunpowder and fear.
Sulaymaniyah, October 8: The Minister of Reconstruction filed a lawsuit against Draw Media and its editor-in-chief, Mohammed Rauf, demanding one billion Iraqi dinars over a routine news report.
Duhok, October 28: Sirwan Gharib, editor of Westga News, was sued for "endangering national security" after reporting on clashes between the Harki tribe and Erbil security forces in Khabat on July 8.
Sulaymaniyah, November 2: NRT TV’s broadcast was suspended after attempting to air a program featuring Shaswar Abdulwahid, the imprisoned leader of the New Generation Movement.
According to the assessment, Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region, scored (0/4) on questions related to the rule of law. These included whether the judiciary is independent, whether due process is upheld in civil and criminal cases, and whether laws and policies ensure equal treatment for all segments of society.
Just a quick verification:
(Erbil): A year ago, during a panel at the Middle East Research Institute (MERI) in Erbil, the president of the (PUK) openly stated: "Why are we running to the Baghdad court? Because the court here in the Kurdistan Region is not really a court, brother. The poor judge sits at home and gets a message from a security agency, in both zones, telling him what to rule the next day. And he says, ‘Of course. What can I do?’ This is our judiciary. You want people to trust that? No."
This candid admission illustrates a wider institutional crisis. Yet, instead of addressing the root causes, both the PUK and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) continue to frame the conversation as a competition between zones, who is freer, who is more democratic. This comparison misses the point. The real problem is deeper and more alarming: a suffocating climate of self-censorship and fear. Journalists, activists, writers, and independent thinkers across the Kurdistan Region now operate under growing pressure. Speaking freely is no longer just risky, it’s become dangerous.
In his latest work Nexus: A Brief History of Information Networks from the Stone Age to Artificial Intelligence, historian Yuval Noah Harari argues that leaders who seek absolute power often begin by undermining the independence of courts and media. What typically follows is the weakening of academic institutions, municipalities, civil society, and the private sector. These entities are either dissolved or brought under direct state control. Harari describes them as "mechanisms of self-correction," essential for any functioning democracy.
Such a reality prompts critical questions: Are the courts in either the PUK or KDP zones truly independent? Can the remaining independent media outlets survive the pressures from party-controlled networks? Do universities enjoy academic autonomy? Is civil society being gradually absorbed into state structures? These are still open questions, but ones that demand attention.
Verification once more:
Sulaymaniyah October 29, 2025: More than 50 networks, organizations, and public figures issued a joint statement warning of a coordinated effort to bring civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) under tighter political control. As a result, among the more than 6,000 registered NGOs in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, a number now operate without transparency, some even receiving public funding without any proper oversight.
The debate over which city, Erbil or Sulaimaniyah, enjoys greater freedom is anything but straightforward. Both the PUK and KDP have effectively exploited visible and hidden resources to maintain control, yet neither has succeeded in presenting itself as a true defender of liberty. Their promises of freedom now seem to wither alongside the decline of their credibility. As the Kurdish author Ramyar Mahmoud poignantly put it:
We are a bunch of captives,
in the camps of the PUK and KDP.
If someone hears our voice,
Let our voices be heard.
